This is what the United States did under the Raegan Administration in the 1981 massacre at El Mozote. In 1981, various left-wing guerrilla groups coalesced into the Prior to the massacre, unlike many villages in the area, el Mozote had a reputation for neutrality.
The massacre of El Mozote was committed during “Operation Rescue,” a counterinsurgency operation spearheaded by the US-trained Atlacatl Battalion in December of 1981 in the department of Morazán in northeastern El Salvador. The U.S. was practiced at supporting regimes sympathetic to U.S. goals, though arguably without success (e.g.
There is no justification to murder civilians in any circumstance. In fact, one of the Special Forces trainers explained that members of the Atlacatl Battalion “‘had no specialized training’” (49). One such event occurred inside and in the proximity of the village of El Mozote, in Morazán, El Salvador, on December 11, 1981, when the Salvadoran Army killed more than 800 civilians in the course of the Salvadoran Civil War. The U.S. Administration dismissed research due to a lack of concrete evidence, resulting in the continued ignorance of the reality of the Salvadoran regime. horrifying actions and atrocities on its own people. While many of its neighbors were largely Prior to the massacre, the town's wealthiest man, Marcos Díaz, had gathered the citizens to warn them that the army would soon pass through the area in a counterinsurgency operation, but he had been assured that the town's residents would not be harmed if they remained in place. The el Mozote massacre was preceded by La Matanza or the massacre of Pipil peasants in 1932, the Student massacre of 1975, and the Óscar Romero funeral and Sumpul River massacres of 1980.
Greentree was selective in the information he reported back to Washington because like Bonner and Guillermoprieto, he was unable to find explicit data. 1954 CIA intervention in Guatemala, 1961 Bay of Pigs Invasion). Analysis: What I found most fascinating is that the representative and at least more than a few American bureaucrats in San Salvador supposed something horrifying had happened in El Mozote. They suggested that what the United States was supporting in Central America was not democracy but repression. The under-trained Salvadoran soldiers were responsible for the massacre of 800 civilians at El Mozote. Men, women, and children were taken from their homes, lined up, robbed, and shot, and their homes then set ablaze.News of the massacre first appeared in the world media on January 27, 1982, in reports published by Salvadoran army and government leaders denied the reports and officials of the Although attacked less vigorously than Bonner, Alma Guillermoprieto was also a target of criticism. William L. Wipfler, director of the human-rights office of the National Council of Churches in New York was one of the first people to research the massacre. In Mark Danner’s collection of accounts and analysis of this massacre in his book titled Following the successful left-wing Sandinista movement in Nicaragua, the U.S. fought actively to achieve its goal of preventing communism regimes. Without debating the ethics of U.S. support for foreign militaries, failing to properly train or support a military division had previously resulted in severe consequences. Consequently, the U.S. was also responsible due to its failure to sufficiently train the battalion, and for the funding and arms provided to the Salvadoran soldiers. Devoid of right of entry to the site – it had been summoned up by the FMLN revolutionaries – they could provide evidence for nothing. It was not much different in 1981 El Salvador.
Bonner’s superior, A. M. Rosenthal considered Bonner’s research to show “left-wing sympathies” and was heavily edited (139).
Read more. Their research, though lacking official numbers and statements, had concrete evidence of the Atlacatl Battalion’s actions in El Mozote. This is the U.S.’s justification to discredit the information that had been reported (111,113,127,131). Over several days, the Salvadoran military killed at least 978
It wasn’t until more researchers became involved that the events in El Salvador were no longer deniable.
Had the initial research been concrete, the U.S. would have had to acknowledge the events immediately.
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